
There’s growing unrest within the Labour Party, and Keir Starmer is finding it harder to keep things under control. Despite winning power just under a year ago in a massive election victory, many new Labour MPs are feeling frustrated and disappointed. One of them, when asked if there would be any celebration to mark their one-year anniversary in office, replied, “What is there to celebrate?”
Many of these MPs feel let down. They came into politics hoping to make a difference, not to back decisions like cutting welfare benefits. Now, some are facing the reality that more than 100 Labour MPs could rebel against proposed welfare reforms. This kind of internal conflict doesn’t just create problems for managing public money — it makes people wonder if Labour is really ready for the tough job of running the country, especially under Starmer’s leadership.
Unlike the Conservative Party, which generally sees itself as naturally suited to governing, Labour has always seemed more comfortable being in opposition. This became clear when Starmer signed a trade deal with Donald Trump — instead of praise from fellow Labour MPs, his team got more congratulations from Conservatives. One Labour MP admitted that the party often prefers the clean ideals of opposition to the messy decisions that come with being in power.
Life as an MP has also become more demanding and stressful. Many new Labour MPs were chosen because they promised to stand up for their local areas. But now they’re overwhelmed by hundreds of emails a day from constituents, pressured to reply quickly to avoid social media backlash. On top of that, they face long working hours, time away from their families, and even safety concerns — all of which contribute to a growing sense of dissatisfaction.
There’s also a deeper problem: a divide between the voters who helped Labour win and the types of voters some Labour MPs still feel loyal to. In simple terms, many of the voters who gave Labour a chance in 2024 came from northern towns, not big cities. They’re working people, some homeowners, who feel uncertain about their financial future. Many had previously voted Conservative or not at all. They didn’t vote for Labour because they were inspired — they just wanted something different after years of disappointment.
These voters are the reason Starmer has been pushing for stronger defence, tighter immigration policies, cuts to foreign aid, and welfare reductions. Even headlines like making criminals repair roads are meant to connect with these voters. While these policies are popular with many people across the country, they don’t sit well with parts of the Labour Party. Some MPs argue Labour should focus more on progressive voters — like those who support the Greens or Liberal Democrats — and fear losing them over these policies.
One minister explained that most MPs are more likely to hear from educated liberal voters than from working-class people in council estates. Those liberal voters are often the ones emailing about global issues like Gaza. The party’s fear of losing these left-leaning supporters, instead of focusing on the new, more conservative-leaning voters who gave them power, shows a kind of wishful thinking — avoiding the uncomfortable truth that Labour is now being supported by people who may not agree with them on issues like crime and immigration.
When it comes to the economy — where some of Labour’s biggest challenges lie — the situation gets even more complex. Recently, there was some good news: the UK economy grew more than expected. But a lot depends on things outside the government’s control — like international trade deals or unexpected actions from leaders like Trump — which could affect how much money the UK has to spend later this year.
If the government pushes for even more welfare cuts, many Labour MPs are ready to say no. In fact, Downing Street may already be planning to soften its position, possibly offering support for things like winter fuel payments or programs to help children in poverty, to calm the rebellion. But if those compromises cost more money, the Treasury will need to find new sources of income.
Interestingly, some top Labour figures believe there’s now a shared interest between Labour and Reform Party voters when it comes to economic issues. Farage has been moving left on economics, supporting unions and even praising policies like nationalising utilities. Polls show that many Reform voters actually support strong government support for industries and other left-leaning economic ideas. So, could this shift pull Labour more to the left on the economy?
Right now, the financial sector is nervous. There’s talk of reducing how much money people can put into tax-free savings accounts or cutting tax breaks for high earners. Some Labour economists are even considering putting pressure on the Bank of England to slow down its efforts to reduce the money supply, which raises government borrowing costs. Reform has also proposed making banks pay interest on the money they hold overnight — a move that sounds technical but could raise billions.
Finding ways to raise money that mainly affect the wealthy — like bankers and top savers — might be a clever way to satisfy both Labour MPs and voters who back Reform. But the financial markets won’t be easy to win over. Investors are warning that if Labour can’t show they’re serious about raising taxes or making more cuts, the UK’s borrowing costs could rise. Goldman Sachs recently warned that if the markets get spooked, interest rates could jump — and that’s exactly what happened under Liz Truss.
Labour’s first year in power hasn’t been a happy one, and it looks like even tougher times could be ahead. Starmer’s team may need to start warning unhappy MPs: if you keep complaining and fighting the government’s direction, you could cause panic in the financial markets — and that might lead to all of you losing your seats in the next election.